Working paper: Why nationalize the production of public goods?

I have a new working paper out. It proposes a price theory-based explanation of why states nationalize the production of “public goods” (i.e., non-excludable and non-rivalrous). This is different than existing explanations as the theory ignores whether private provision is efficient or superior to public provision. I call it the “redistributive engine” theory whereby the state nationalizes because it can extract rents that are redistributed to its agents and key interest groups. The theory also allows for nationalization to be welfare-enhancing but — unlike previous theories — it is not a necessary condition (nor is it a sufficient one). I apply it to the case of the federalization of lighthouses in the American Republic from 1789 to 1815. The paper is here on SSRN and the abstract is below:

If private provision of public goods is both feasible and optimal, why do states intervene and assume their provision? This question parallels the broader inquiry of whether state provision can be explained without resorting to public interest justifications or suboptimal private provision. We answer that states take over the provision of public goods from the private sector depending on the political rents that can be secured in other markets (i.e., those that are not that of the public goods)—even if they potentially reduce economic activity. We call this the “redistributive engine” motivation, and it allows us to be agnostic about both the quality of private provision and the net outcome of public takeover. It is a price-theoretic justification only. Using the case of American lighthouses in the Early Republic (1789 to 1815) as illustration, we demonstrate that federal control of lighthouses was part of a rent-seeking arrangement that introduced subtle but significant protectionist measures for the domestic shipping industry and a broader hidden tariff (which is often unmeasured by economic historians). In the process, federal oversight of lighthouses provided a mechanism for patronage distribution, facilitating coalition-building and political consolidation. Ergo, a redistributive engine whose net effect is unclear.

Now available: Was There a Crisis? Living Standards in Lower Canada, 1760 to 1848 

It was accepted a few months ago, but I forgot to update my website but this paper is now available at the European Review of Economic History. It is co-authored with Matthew Curtis. The abstract is below:

Lower Canada, now the Canadian province of Quebec, is believed to have faced an agricultural crisis in the early 1800s, leading to declining living standards, a debated topic due to lack of data. This paper uses new data on real wages, literacy, and infant mortality to quantitatively assess living standards from 1760 to 1850. The findings show no evidence of a crisis; instead, there are only indications of improvements during the period.

New Working Paper: Uneven Gains from the First Wave of Right to Work Laws, 1944 to 1963

I have a new working paper with Justin Callais, Alicia Plemmons and Gary Wagner on the first wave of right to work laws in America (1944 to 1963) which banned closed shop union agreements. We find, unlike other works that deal with later adopters (post-1963), that right to work increased within-state inequality but also increased income per worker by between 4% and 7%. Since the states that adopted right to work laws were also poorer states that converged faster because of the laws, this probably mitigated (but not fully) the within-state increase in inequality (i.e., reduced cross-state inequality compensates for increased within-state inequality). The paper is here on SSRN and the abstract is below:

Since the 1940s, right-to-work (RTW) laws’ impact on income distribution has been debated, particularly due to the understudied early adopters from 1944 to 1963. Earlier studies overlooked these initial impacts, starting analysis with Louisiana in 1976. Our research employs a two-stage difference-indifferences approach, revealing that RTW laws increased the income share of the top 1%, raised average income per worker with no effects on other variables (labor force participation, labor share of income). These laws contributed to rising inequality within states, countering the trend towards income equality from the 1940s to the 1960s.

New working paper: Baumol’s Migrants: Productive and Unproductive Entrepreneurship and Between-MSA Migration

I have a new working paper with Justin Callais (Archbridge Institute), Alicia Plemmons (West Virginia University) and Gary Wagner (University of Louisiana at Lafayette) concerning internal migration in the United States and the role that the different types of entrepreneurship in different MSA (Metropolitan Statistical Area). The abstract is below and the paper is here on SSRN:

William Baumol proposes that there are two types of entrepreneurship: productive or unproductive. Productive entrepreneurship, characterized by innovation and efficient resource allocation, fosters economic growth and can act as a potent magnet for migration. Conversely, unproductive entrepreneurship, which often involves rent-seeking and regulatory circumvention, deters migration and potentially provokes out-migration. To test this link from the types of entrepreneurship and migration, we use a new index of entrepreneurship (productive and unproductive) in conjunction with a dataset covering migration to and from Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSA) from 2005 to 2019. Our analysis reveals that regions high in productive entrepreneurship experience significant net in-migration, while those dominated by unproductive entrepreneurship see the opposite effect.

New Working Paper– Poverty Spells and Economic Freedom: Canadian Evidence

I have a new working paper out with James Dean (now of Western Carolina University). He and I previously collaborated on work regarding intra-generational income mobility and economic freedom in Canada since 1982. In this new working paper, we move on to the topic of poverty dynamics (i.e., transitions in and out of poverty) in Canada since 1992. The paper is here on SSRN and the abstract is below

Economic freedom is generally associated with higher average income levels. However, can the very poor benefit from it? Does it help them escape their disadvantaged position? Does it limits the possibility of entry into low-income status? In this paper, we use longitudinal data from Canada regarding the duration of low income spells, entries and exits from low-income status from 1992 to 2020 to deal with that question. Aggregated at the provincial level, these different indicators of low-income status are negatively related with the Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom of North America (EFNA) index.

This paper is the second of a series of a number of planned articles on the matter of mobility and markets using Canadian provincial data.